简述先秦道家学派的主要理论主张。

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问题:

简述先秦道家学派的主要理论主张。

考点:自学考试高等教育自学考试全国2011年4月自学考试中国文化导论试题
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A(4,0)引圆x2+y2=4的割线ABC,求弦BC中点P的轨迹方程.

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计算:
1
x-2
+
1
x2-5x+6
=______.
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物料平衡与热平衡计算对指导生产有什么意义?

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材料一达尔文的学说被很多人运用到社会政治思想中,形成一股“社会达尔文主义”思潮……19世纪70年代以后,社会达尔文主义愈益与种族主义、帝国主义思想交织在一起了。一些国家的种族主义者宣扬种族优劣论,鼓吹“下一阶段的历史将是争夺生存空间的大规模斗争”;“日耳曼民族必须为保持血统的纯粹和统治世界进行斗争。”——摘自刘宗绪《世界近代史》材料二作为一个崛起中的大国,今天中国的民族主义越来越表现出其自发性。也就是说,民族主义在中国已经变成一种客观的存在。政府的确可以利用民族主义来论证政策的合理合法性,但这方面,中国政府非常节制。从中央到地方,没有一位政治人物可以大肆动员民族主义,诉诸于民族主义……因此,中国政府在这方面可以做得更多,使得民族主义变得更为理性,增进国家利益。和中国不同,日本政府在民族主义方面越来越表现为动员型。和其它很多发达国家一样,日本的大众民主越来越难以产生一种强有力的政府。为了政治的需要,日本的政治人物往往以民主为借口,用民粹主义政治方式动员着民间存在着的民族主义资源。结果,牺牲的往往是日本和其它国家的关系,尤其是和其邻国中国、韩国的关系……较之中国,日本民族主义具有更大的动力。而日本民族主义的勃兴,又必然刺激中国和韩国民族主义……。……更为重要的是,这些国家针对中国的民族主义,往往把另一个大国即美国也牵涉在内,而美国出于其对地缘政治的需要,往往对这些国家的民族主义推波助澜。这更增加了这些国家民族主义的国际复杂性。——摘自郑永年《亚洲民族主义与区域安全》

根据材料一和所学知识,指出社会达尔文主义对19世纪后半期到20世纪初的中国与欧洲产生的影响。

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Here is a quick way to spoil a Brussels dinner party. Simply suggest that world governance is slipping away from the G20, G7, G8 or other bodies in which Europeans may hog up to half the seats. Then propose, with gloomy relish, that the future belongs to the G2: newly fashionable jargon for a putative body formed by China and America.

The fear of irrelevance haunts Euro-types, for all their public boasting about Europe’s future might. The thought that the European Union might not greatly interest China is especially painful. After all, the 21st century was meant to be different. Indeed, to earlier leaders like France’s Jacques Chirac, a rising China was welcome as another challenge to American hegemony, ushering in a “multipolar world” in which the EU would play a big role. If that meant kow-towing to Chinese demands to shun Taiwan, snub the Dalai Lama or tone down criticism of human-rights abuses, so be it. Most EU countries focused on commercial diplomacy with China, to ensure that their leaders’ visits could end with flashing cameras and the signing of juicy contracts.

Meanwhile, Europe’s trade deficit with China hit nearly∈170 billion ( $ 250 billion) last year. In five years, China wants 60% of car parts in new Chinese vehicles to be locally made. This is alarming news for Germany, the leading European exporter to China thanks to car parts, machine tools and other widgets.

As ever, Europeans disagree over how to respond. Some are willing to challenge China politically — for example, Germany, Britain, Sweden and the Netherlands. But they are mostly free traders. That makes them hostile when other countries call for protection against alleged Chinese cheating. In contrast, a block of mostly southern and central Europeans, dubbed “accommodating mercantilists” by the ECFR (The European Council on Foreign Relations), are quick to call for anti-dumping measures: But that makes them anxious to keep broader relations sweet by bowing to China on political issues.

The result is that European politicians often find themselves defending unconditional engagement with China. The usual claim is that this will slowly transform the country into a freer, more responsible stakeholder in the world. The secret, it is murmured, is to let Europe weave China into an entangling web of agreements and sectoral dialogues. In 2007 no fewer than 450 European delegations visited China. Big countries like France and Britain add their own bilateral dialogues, not trusting the EU to protect their interests or do the job properly. There are now six parallel EU and national “dialogues” with China on climate change, for example.

European countries once welcomed China’s growing up because()

A. they needed China to lead them against America

B. a rising China contributes to a bipolar world

C. China had made great achievements in human rights

D. they needed to make money in China’s big market

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